But there are also fears that last month's dismissal of parliament, sacking of the prime minister and Saied's assumption of sweeping powers may bring Tunisia one step closer to another dictatorship. It was in this large town of central Tunisia on December 17, that Mohamed Bouazizi, a fruit and vegetable salesman angered by police harassment, set himself ablaze.
His suicide sparked an unprecedented uprising that left some people dead and toppled long-time dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. But more than a decade later, hopes for a better future have given way to anger and disappointment over the North African country's politicians' failure to improve living standards.
The chants of "Dignity! Parliament and the government smothered us in poverty, so good riddance to them! We have confidence in him," Ouni told AFP. In the October parliamentary elections, Nidaa Tounes won 85 seats compared to 69 for Ennahda. But turnout was lowest among the young, who ignited the Arab uprisings; among cities, the turnout was lowest in Sidi Bouzid, the birthplace of the uprisings that spread across the Middle East and North Africa.
Tunisian militants have fought in several foreign conflicts, including in Afghanistan in the s and after , in Iraq after , and elsewhere, but in smaller numbers compared to the post period. Despite political achievements, the economy still challenged Tunisians while the security situation deteriorated as a branch of ISIS emerged.
In , Islamist militants attacked the National Bardo Museum, killing 24 people; opened fired on a beach resort in Sousse, killing 39 foreigners; and assaulted a bus carrying the Presidential Guard. The government responded by declaring a state of emergency and engaged a security crackdown that restored a sense of public safety. Political upheaval marred Nidaa Tounes, the ruling secular party in Parliament, splintered.
Ennahda founder Rachid Ghannouchi declared the Islamist party was abandoning political Islam. A month later, Nidaa Tounes member Youssef Chahed became the prime minister.
The national unity government took some measures to stimulate growth, but it struggled to implement key reforms. High unemployment, a rising inflation rate, and tax increases plagued Tunisians. In addition to the structural factors in place before , there are cyclical factors linked to the unrest, strikes and protest movements, political assassinations in , terrorist attacks in , persistent political and governmental instability, and to top it all, the COVID crisis.
The average annual economic growth between and was 1. Precarity is accentuated by the high cost of living and the growing difficulties of accessing decent jobs. The social climate has grown tense with the proliferation of acts of despair, protests and blockades of production sites, with a definite negative impact on the economic activity and the state resources.
Trust is also undermined by the perceptions of corruption and perennial tense relations with state officials. Indeed, a deep social malaise prevails. The government must confront that dire situation with weakened resources, due to the public finance crisis, which has persisted, or even worsened, over the past 10 years. Despite this rather bleak, maybe even alarmist, outlook, should one denigrate this "Tunisian democratic exception"?
Obviously no! The democratic process is not a long quiet river. It has a certain cost, borne by the present generation, and should help shape a better future for all Tunisians.
What paradigm shift would it take to continue believing in the revolution and the democracy it brought about? For it is certain that marginalization, exclusion, and poverty are potential breeding grounds for populism and violent extremism and can therefore weaken the foundations of any new democratic project.
In recent years, several innovative legislative initiatives have emerged, such as the Start-up Act, the Social and Solidarity Economy law, and the Crowdfunding law. All these initiatives focus on the promotion of decent work, entrepreneurship, inclusion and solidarity. These could be the ingredients of a new model of sustainable socio-economic development, more inclusive and human-centred, and more concerned with the environment.
Ten years ago, the revolutionary fervour in Tunisia inspired millions of women and men in the region who dreamed of another democratic tomorrow. Today in the region, Tunisians are perhaps closest to turning their dream of democracy into reality. Unemployment, food inflation, corruption, lack of political freedom and poor living conditions were the underlying reasons for the demonstrations.
Tunisia has proved itself to be a counterexample to the rest of the region torn by civil strife and refugee crisis. Published On 17 Dec More from Gallery.
0コメント